Hungary’s tightly controlled pro-government media network is beginning to unravel after former Prime Minister Viktor Orban suffered a crushing election defeat that ended his 16 years in power.
Within weeks of the election victory by Peter Magyar’s centre right Tisza party, major pro-Orban media outlets have undergone sweeping changes, including the removal of senior editors, cancellation of flagship programmes and a dramatic shift in tone across state media.
The election, held on April 12, delivered a landslide victory for Magyar, whose party secured the two-thirds parliamentary majority needed to reverse many of Orban’s constitutional and institutional reforms.
The changes were immediately visible in Hungary’s public service media, long criticised by opposition groups and European Union officials for favouring Orban’s government. Opposition politicians and independent voices began appearing more frequently on state television and radio even before Magyar formally took office earlier this week.
Magyar, who once described state media as a “factory of lies”, has pledged sweeping reforms aimed at restoring press freedom. His government plans to introduce a new media law and establish a new media authority to oversee broadcasting and journalism standards.
Orban, widely admired by conservative allies in Europe and the United States for building what he called an “illiberal democracy”, lost support after years of corruption allegations and economic stagnation.
The European Union is closely monitoring developments in Hungary, where media freedom had become one of the main rule of law disputes between Budapest and Brussels during Orban’s rule.
Over the past decade, Orban’s government tightened control over the media landscape through new laws and the takeover or closure of several independent outlets by businessmen allied with the ruling party.
Reporters Without Borders ranked Hungary 74th in its 2026 press freedom index, down sharply from 23rd place in 2010. Orban’s administration repeatedly denied interfering in media independence and insisted Hungary met European Union standards.
One of the clearest signs of change came at Hungary’s leading commercial broadcaster TV2, where the news director was dismissed shortly after the election and the station’s flagship news programme was removed from the schedule.
TV2 owner Miklos Vaszily, a businessman closely associated with Orban’s government, told local media that the programme had been cancelled because of the “erosion of its brand”. Several TV2 news anchors had openly endorsed Orban before the election.
At pro-government news website Index, the editor in chief was also removed after the outlet admitted publishing a false document that allegedly exposed Magyar’s secret plans for tax increases.
The document had formed a central part of Orban’s campaign strategy against the Tisza party, though Index later acknowledged it was not authentic.
Online, pro-Orban influencers have sharply reduced their activity. Megafon, a network of conservative social media personalities known for promoting government narratives, significantly cut back its Facebook video output after the election, according to local fact-checking organisation.
Orban himself appeared to distance his administration from some formerly supportive outlets during a podcast interview with right-wing rapper Dopeman, referring to them as “centre right media that formerly supported us”.
The shift inside public broadcasting became particularly visible when Magyar appeared on state television and radio, openly confronting journalists about why he had rarely been invited during Orban’s years in office.
Following the first meeting of his cabinet on Wednesday, Magyar said Hungary needed “a truly balanced, objective news service” with leadership selected through a negotiated and impartial process.
In one of his first actions as prime minister, Magyar ordered a “comprehensive and immediate” review of public service media operations and financing.
Still, analysts warn that rebuilding trust in Hungarian journalism will not be easy after years of political influence.
Former public television reporter Krisztina Balogh described newsroom pressure during Orban’s rule in a Facebook post, claiming editors frequently demanded coverage that supported government narratives.
She recalled being instructed to find a doctor willing to claim on camera that migrants spread diseases during one of Orban’s anti-immigration campaigns, which had helped strengthen his popularity and secure repeated election victories after 2010.
Media experts say legal reforms alone may not be enough to transform Hungary’s media landscape.
Gabor Polyak, head of the media department at Eotvos Lorand University, said genuine change would depend on whether political leaders accept that journalism’s role is to challenge those in power rather than serve them.
Another major focus for Magyar’s government is KESMA, the vast media conglomerate that controls nearly 500 outlets, including regional newspapers and pro-government websites.
Magyar has vowed to cut state advertising funds flowing into the group and review the circumstances under which it was created, after it was previously exempted from competition oversight.
Analysts say such measures could seriously weaken KESMA, especially smaller regional publications that rely heavily on government advertising revenue, while potentially opening space for independent media outlets to recover and compete again.
Goodness Anunobi
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