A political strategist and analyst, Baba Yusuf, has warned that Nigeria’s current security strategy is failing, citing the killing, kidnapping and targeting of senior military officers as evidence of a deepening crisis.
Reacting to calls by retired generals for a review of the country’s security approach, Yusuf said the growing insecurity shows that no one is safe and urged authorities to urgently rethink and strengthen the nation’s security architecture.
“It is a poignant reflection of our reality. I was just looking at the timeline before we started: from November last year to date, four generals. The security architecture, the strategy is the issue, because the strategy should be the one that would produce the security architecture. So if we have an issue with the strategy, people should be bold enough to go back and look at it. Reviewing your strategy should be periodic—within a year, half-yearly—for you to be sure that you are moving in the right direction. Now that the generals have started speaking, it is also a warning to everybody that nobody is safe,” he warned.
Speaking on a reported agreement within the NDC coalition aimed at enforcing party discipline, Yusuf dismissed the move as ineffective, arguing that Nigerian politicians would quickly find ways around it.
He warned that such arrangements could create internal tensions and mistrust among key stakeholders, insisting that the coalition’s priority should be winning elections rather than negotiating power-sharing deals before securing victory at the polls.
“Nigerian politicians are very creative. And much as it came as a surprise to a lot of people, I reckon already the game players are already thinking of circumventing this provision. As far as I’m concerned, it’s dead on arrival. What is going to happen is it’s going to generate a lot of internal friction, albeit the critical players will keep a poker face, if you like.
“As we go down the line, depending on what pans out—whether or not the frontline candidates win—my advice to the NDC is, rather than concentrating on doing these secret society-like agreements, you should focus on winning elections. That is what keeps you in the game. So I think the focus should be, first of all, to win. It appears there is already a mistrust before we even vote in unison to win the election. So as far as I’m concerned, that shouldn’t be the priority; that shouldn’t be the focus for the NDC,” he stressed.
Commenting on the controversy surrounding Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s suspension, Yusuf argued that the debate has shifted beyond the individual case to broader concerns about legislative procedure and standards in the National Assembly.
“It’s still a case study on how low legislation can go. I think between now and 2027, we should watch out for the next item, but it speaks volumes with regards to the traction our political evolution is taking.”
He described the 10th National Assembly as the worst in Nigeria’s history, criticising lawmakers for actions he said have undermined public confidence in the institution and raised serious questions about the country’s democratic and political development.
“In my opinion, in the history of this country—and dare I say in the history of the West African sub-region—this 10th National Assembly is the worst. It is the worst representation of a parliament of a country that prides itself as the giant of Africa. Adults and leaders that we voted—or whatever way they got into office—making a jest of that office, both the red and green chambers.”
On the recent legal victory secured by former Petroleum Minister Diezani Alison-Madueke in the United Kingdom, Yusuf described the outcome as both a personal legal success and a setback for Nigeria’s anti-corruption agencies.
“She won a victory in the courts in the United Kingdom, which will rub off, whether we like it or not, on our case in Nigeria. I heard other legal luminaries saying they are not connected, but I dare say they are, because some of the evidence, exhibits, and even witness statements are shared in this case. Whatever you want to call the case—bribery, corruption, money laundering, whatever—the bottom line is this: we have made a mockery of our security enforcement and prosecutorial agencies. They have more or less dramatized their function rather than institutionalized the process,” he maintained.
Adding, he said weak investigations and prosecutions have undermined major corruption cases, urging anti-corruption agencies to build stronger, evidence-based cases to restore public trust.
“So the public confidence has eroded to the extent that people are now deciding for themselves whether somebody is guilty or not. This is very crucial in any well-meaning, progressive society, whether it is in law enforcement, judicial process, or political process. It is a setback for the Nigerian prosecutorial agencies, and actually a slap on their face that they should do their homework and focus on having watertight cases,” he advised.
Addressing concerns over judges receiving gifts from executive officeholders, he stressed the need for a clear separation between the judiciary and the executive, arguing that justice must not only be done but must also be seen to be done.
“Optics is very key, especially in the case of the judiciary, because perception could be termed as reality in the case of justices—the kind of judicial pronouncements they will make vis-à-vis what has come to them. I totally agree; I’m a proponent of totally insulating the judiciary from the executive so that they can be trusted by the people,” he underscored.
According to him, actions that create the appearance of closeness between judges and political leaders risk undermining trust in the judicial system.
“When the president of the Court of Appeal or the chief judge of the High Court is making statements at the opening of residences—basically almost towing the line of the executive—it leaves a very bad taste in the mouth. I feel sorry for Nigeria if this consumes us,” he said.
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